SDSU Argument Persuasion and Influence Presentation
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CHAPTER 14
After reading this chapter, you should be able to do the following:
Identify and differentiate deductive, inductive, abductive, and warranting approaches to argument.
Identify the key defining features of persuasion.
Differentiate between persuasion and propaganda.
● Articulate the definition of attitude.
Distinguish principles of the relationship of attitudes to persuasion.
Distinguish the relationship between attitude and behavior.
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Argument, Persuasion, and Influence
Rachael A. Record, Lourdes Martinez, & Brian H. Spitzberg
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
• Compare and contrast the tenets and key variables of social judgment, elaboration likelihood, cognitive
dissonance, and reasoned action models of persuasion.
Summarize and analyze interpersonal research findings related to persuasion.
Specify relevant small-group research findings related to persuasion.
Summarize and analyze social-norms research findings related to persuasion.
HE FIELD OF COMMUNICATION WAS ORIGI-
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nally founded as the study of the processes
surrounding argumentation and persuasion as
the primary means through which a democratic
society can be sustained. The study of rhetoric,
or the available means of persuasion, originated
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with a focus on the nature of argument in dis-
course in all its forms, including the use of logic
(logos), the use of emotion (pathos), and the use
of credibility (ethos). From a social scientific per-
spective, the study of persuasion examines the
persuasive processes through the constructs of
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attitude and behavior change. This chapter presents theoret-
ical and practical understandings of argumentation and the
process of persuasion. In particular, three categorizations
of argument formation are reviewed (deductive, inductive,
abductive), as well as theoretical understandings of the
persuasive process as it appears generally, interpersonally,
and socially. Although mass mediated communication is
also essential to understanding persuasive processes, the
role of media for persuasive processes (referred to as media
effects) is examined in the media chapter.
Argumentation
Some days it can feel like the sole purpose of communi-
cation is to argue. Everyone wants something, and almost
everything seems to seek to influence. In the contemporary
media environment, people are inundated by text, smell,
sound, touch, image, and social forms of influence. This is
not surprising; control over one's environment is a funda-
mental survival advantage and reflects an intrinsic tendency.
One of the most elemental discursive approaches we use
to influence others is that of argument (see also: Chapters
3 and 4). Arguments are forms of convergence-seeking
discourse that refer to "communicative attempts to reach
accord with the minds or behavior of another person" or
persons (Canary & Seibold, 2010, p. 12). Thus, argument
is inherently an attempt to seek agreement-attempts that
often share similarities across contexts. There are at least
four primary forms in which arguments are structured:
deductive, inductive, abductive, and warrantable.
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Deduction
Ancient philosophers were greatly concerned with seek-
ing some form of argument that produced more reliable
claims to truth. In speculating on the need for an ethical
approach to influence, they formalized a way of thinking
that has come to be known as deduction. Deduction is a
form of reasoning from general to particulars. Its ideal-
ized structure is summarized by the syllogism (Hacking,
2013). Deduction is involved in the form of a highly flexible
structural template. For example, consider the following
deductive chain of hypotheses:
Major premise (MjP): Communication majors are more
rhetorically competent than other college majors.
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Chapter 14: Argument, Persuasion, and Influence
Minor premise (MnP): Rhetorical competence is pos-
itively related to career success.
Conclusion (Cncl): Therefore, communication majors
will have greater career success than other majors.
There are many derivations of such syllogisms that
represent causal schemata or informal ways of think-
ing (Khemlani, Barbey, & Johnson-Laird, 2014). See the
following example:
MjP: A causes B (e.g., recessions cause unemployment).
MnP: B prevents C (e.g., lowering taxes produces
economic recovery).
Cncl: Therefore, A prevents C. (e.g., we should lower
taxes to reduce unemployment).
Aristotle recognized the challenges of example and
syllogism as forms of persuasion and formulated an alter-
native form of persuasion he named enthymeme, which
is a syllogism with one or more suppressed propositions
that is filled in by the audience. Suppose a presidential
candidate says, "My opponent still has not released his
tax returns, so what is he hiding?" The implication of
this statement is for audience members to think, "Why
would anyone refuse to release his or her taxes? It must
be because that person is hiding something incriminat-
ing." At no point did the candidate's statement explicitly
say, "My opponent is a criminal." But, it is assumed that
the audience is likely to think this, and, consequently, it
does not need to be expressly stated. Many advertisements
operate using an enthymematic structure. An ad for men's
fragrance that shows beautiful women leaping to caress a
man after he sprays on the fragrance is essentially making
an enthymeme:
MjP: Absent this fragrance, the character in the com-
mercial was alone.
MnP: Having sprayed this fragrance, the character in
the commercial attracted women.
Cncl: If I buy and use this fragrance, I will attract
women.
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There are at least two attractive features to this form
of argument. First, by not making all the claims of the
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argument explicit, it is harder for an audience to criticize
the exact logic underlying it. Second, because the audience
members essentially help complete the argument, they are
more likely to feel convinced because their own thought
processes are what fit the pieces together. Who is more
credible than oneself?
Induction
Induction is a form of reasoning from particulars (specific
cases or examples) to generalizations. For instance, in the
earliest days of what became the AIDS epidemic in the
United States, the Centers for Disease Control and Pre-
vention, among other organizations, had relatively little
to tie the disparate cases together other than the discovery
that most of the people contracting these odd diseases
that are associated with compromised immune function
were either gay, intravenous drug users, or people who
198 | Part III: Knowing Where We Are and What Our Communication Is Doing
TABLE 14.1: Tests of Evidence and Examples
Evidence Test
Recency
Relevance
Internal consis-
tency
External consis-
tency
Sufficiency
Comparative
quality
Ethos
Accessibility
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had received a blood transfusion. The examination of such
cases led to several potential generalizations, including
that there was a "gay disease" or "gay cancer" and that
whatever the underlying cause, it seemed to be involved
in the transfer of bodily fluids. The second generalization
was largely accurate, but the idea that it was a "gay dis-
ease" was not. For example, most AIDS cases in Africa
are heterosexually transmitted.
Induction is the foundation of almost all scientific
research, in which the observation of many instances of
an experiment, or of survey responses, provides a basis
for generalizing from those instances. As with the evi-
dence tests (see Table 14.1), however, the generalization
of results from looking at many instances of something
is only as valid as the representativeness and adequacy of
that sample of examples. One of the reasons that scientific
research does not always replicate exactly-why what
"science" believed 20 years ago is not believed now-is
Principle (Fallacious Example)
The timeliness of the evidence (e.g., citing medical evidence from the 1950s is likely to be less
accurate than current research).
The logical, practical, and reasonable connection to the claim being made (e.g., citing that
you know a good security guard is not relevant to the argument of racial bias in police stops
of African Americans).
The coherence of the evidence (e.g., citing an example of your parent who smoked all his/her
life but did not die of lung cancer to argue the safety of smoking when your parent did die of
esophageal cancer).
The degree to which the evidence is representative of the domain/population of external
phenomena to which it is applied (e.g., citing that you believe in God because you experi-
enced a transformative experience may not seem sensible to those who have not had such
an experience).
The degree to which there is adequate quantity and quality of evidence to generalize (e.g.,
citing that your first two cars were Fiats and they were lousy may seem sufficient to you, but
hardly disqualifies the entire carmaker).
The degree to which the evidence is the best available (e.g., citing a single study based on a
small sample is likely to be questionable compared to a meta-analysis of hundreds of studies).
The credibility or expertise of the source of the evidence (e.g., citing an unattributed Internet
blog instead of a blind-reviewed scientific report).
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The degree to which the evidence can be verified, observed, authenticated, and inspected by
others (e.g., citing that space aliens have visited because you were abducted by them when
you were 3 and returned).
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that even large-scale studies involving tens of thousands
of people are still situated in a particular culture, time,
and place. Nevertheless, statistical inference, which under-
lies most of modern scientific research, is basically an
inductive logic that is founded on the odds that one set
of observed cases differs from what would be expected by
chance (see chapters 10-11).
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Abduction
Given the limitations of deduction and induction, scholars
have tried to develop better insights into the logical foun-
dations of argument and proof and better understandings
of the nature of everyday rationality and discursive influ-
ence. One approach to a better foundation was formulated
as an alternative to deduction and induction. Originally
formalized by Pierce (1839-1914), abduction is generally
viewed as a form of reasoning in which various reasonable
explanations for a surprising or unexpected observation are
compared (Velázquez-Quesada, 2015). The process has been
proposed as a series of steps, in which (a) a phenomenon is
detected, (b) some causal mechanism is inferred or deduced,
(c) a causal model is formulated, (d) the causal model is
evaluated or tested, and (e) theory is formulated (Mirza,
Akhtar-Danesh, Noesgaard, Martin, & Staples, 2014).
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Warranting (Toulmin) Argument Model
In the 1950s, Stephen Toulmin (1958) sought to merge
a more pragmatic language use perspective with tradi-
tional interests in the logic of argumentative discourse. In
attempting to model how people actually argue, he formu-
lated the warranting model of argument, often referred to
as the "Toulmin model" (see also: Chapters 3 and 4). The
Toulmin model indicates that to be considered an argument
at all, discourse must articulate, or at least imply, a claim.
The claim is the thing a person wants others to believe,
think, or do as a result of the argument. Toulmin (1958)
argued that claims are predicated on some form of empirical
experience, observation, research, or example(s), which is
referred to as data. But, data never unequivocally justify a
particular claim. For example, even when everyone agrees
that the data show that the world is unequivocally getting
hotter, the implication of these data is not obvious. These
data may lead to the claim that we need to decrease our
use of fossil fuels, or that we need to invest in better infra-
structure to manage the effects of such temperature trends.
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Chapter 14: Argument, Persuasion, and Influence
In order to connect the data to the claim, arguers
express or imply one or more warrants. Warrants are
reasons that bridge the relevance of the data to the claim
in a way that formulates a coherent narrative structure.
Furthermore, any component of this model may involve
further evidence or warrants, which could be consid-
ered forms of backing. Backing may involve statements
providing further evidence (quantity), credibility substan-
tiation (quality), durability of evidence (consistency), and
so forth. Finally, to the extent that an arguer is contem-
plative, critical, and self-reflexive, counterarguments will
be considered. To the extent that counterarguments are
included in an argument, they are considered a rebuttal
and require that a qualifier moderate the degree of con-
fidence or certainty expressed in the claim.
These components are displayed in Figure 14.1 in their
template form, and in Figure 14.2 using an analysis of
a policy argument exemplar regarding the decriminal-
ization and deinstitutionalization of prisoners having
violated marijuana laws. Arguments will generally not
explicitly reveal all components. In particular, "unlike
all other components of the warranting model, warrants
usually remain implicit in an argument; they are the
unspoken assumptions that bind together claims and
data" (Warren, 2010, p. 42).
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Persuasion
Persuasion has two branches of research. The first is in
the field of rhetoric, in which the origins of persuasion
can be traced back to Aristotle, as discussed through the
lens of logic and argumentation in this chapter, and as a
method of interrogating persuasive texts in Chapter 6. The
rhetorical criticism approach to persuasion tends to focus
on "the political or civic contexts of persuasion, and an
overriding emphasis on ethical concerns" (Hogan, 2013,
p. 2). The second branch of persuasion is in social scien-
tific research, in which persuasion processes are explored
through the constructs of attitude and behavior change.
From this perspective, O'Keefe (2016) defines persuasion
as "a successful intentional effort at influencing another's
mental state through communication in a circumstance
in which the persuadee has some measure of freedom"
(p. 4). This definition consists of five key features, each of
which is expanded next.
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