The Actual Message No One Is Safe until Everyone Is Safe Discussion
Now that you’ve read the majority of the textbook, it’s time for you to apply some of that theoretical knowledge to a practical concern. For this assignment, I’d like you to consider the following scenario:
Like the rest of the world, for the past few years the United States has experienced a pandemic that has drastically altered daily life (at least for the short term). Currently, we are again facing uncertainty with the emergence of the omicron variant of COVID. This new strain threatens us within the context of politically-motivated resistance to mask mandates as well as vaccines to help prevent the disease.
I’d like you to synthesize what we’ve learned in our study of communication in relation to this public health crisis. Begin by focusing your attention on Chapter 19: Health Communication (in particular the sections on “Communicating Health and Illness in the Community” and “Communicating Public Health Campaigns”). Then, use a theory, concept, or model from Chapter 14: Argument, Persuasion, and Influence to craft a message designed to potentially persuade a target audience of those who are resistant to getting vaccinated or who argue against mask mandates. There are two basic aspects to the assignment:
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affected by the environments in which we live, our social
networks, lack of poverty and social-economic depriva-
tion, and sustainability over time, all have to be addressed
if we are to succeed in promoting health and well-being
(Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Develop-
ment, 2011). Communicating happiness and cooperative
behaviors through our social networks promote health
and well-being.
272 Part III: Knowing Where We Are and What Our Communication Is Doing
Variations in concepts of health and illness exist across
cultural categories. Culture is a broad and encompassing
concept but can be understood as all the intergenerational
patterns of behavior, belief, value, custom, and ritual of an
identifiable group (e.g., nationality, ethnicity, or religion).
Some scholars discuss cocultures as analogous subgroup
patterns (e.g., sexual orientation, transgender, self-selected
groups such as goths, tribes, etc.). Cocultures are enduring
yet evolving groups identified by shared behaviors, beliefs,
and rituals. Cultural variations have the power to alter
outcomes of patient-provider communication and health
campaigns. This section introduces the vital role that cul-
ture plays in shaping perceptions, how communities as
micro cultures may influence campaign effectiveness, and
opportunities for using social support to promote health
outcomes and campaign effectiveness.
Communicating Health and
Illness in the Community
Cultural Conceptions of Health and Illness
Understanding the way different cultures understand
issues related to health and illness is important for
promoting effective patient-provider communication.
Variations in cultural conceptions of health and illness
can affect how individuals explain illness regarding dis-
ease progression, and appropriate treatment (Thompson,
Whaley, & Stone, 2011). Interpersonal communication
in one’s social network often helps an individual deter-
mine if symptoms warrant healthcare-seeking behavior
(Hay, 2008) and provides additional opportunities for
defining beliefs surrounding the level of harm posed
by a health threat (Aikens, Nease, & Klinkman, 2008).
As part of these conversations, lay ideas (Leventhal,
Leventhal, & Cameron, 2001) about causes and effects of
health-related issues are exchanged and used to convey
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explanations for understanding and managing health
threats.
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Variations in how individuals explain health and ill-
ness can affect access to health care and mortality rates
(Furnham & Baguma, 1999). According to Thompson et
al. (2011), these factors can influence a healthcare pro-
vider's response to a patient's description of his or her
health-related experiences and recommendation for a suit-
able course of action. In addition, such cultural variations
often present challenges in patient-provider communica-
tion interactions because healthcare providers may hold
perspectives on illness and health that differ from how
patients explain health-related issues in question. Prior
research has shown that when healthcare providers ignore
the importance of cultural patterns in conceptualizing
health and illness, effective delivery of care and treatment
can be compromised (Knibb & Horton, 2008).
Because healthcare decisions often depend on what
patients communicate to their healthcare providers about
symptoms they experience, ignoring how these experi-
ences are shaped by cultural notions about risk, sensations,
and perceptions of the impact of illness on daily routines
presents challenges to enhancing quality of care (Garro,
2000). One way to avoid minimizing the role of cultural
variations in shaping beliefs about health and illness is
to encourage healthcare providers to give patients ample
opportunities to describe their symptoms in their own
words (Galland, 2005). This allows for patients and health-
care providers to coconstruct explanations for illnesses
more effectively (Frosch & Kalpan, 1999).
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Community Health Campaigns
Health campaigns, in general, are organized collective com-
munication efforts to facilitate public health-promoting
attitudes, values, beliefs, and/or behaviors regarding
a particular health-related domain of activity or risk.
Health campaigns seeking to promote behavior change
encounter challenges among disadvantaged communi-
ties in developed and developing countries (Roberto,
Murray-Johnson, & Witte, 2011). Scholars have identi-
fied a variety of factors that contribute to difficulties in
reaching some communities, including stigmatization
of certain behaviors and health conditions, marginaliza-
tion of community members, and shortage of essential
resources (Hogan & Palmer, 2005). In such cases, win-
ning support and commitment of community members
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becomes key for the success of any health campaign. In
order to achieve this, a people-centered approach known
as community mobilization can be implemented (Dear-
ing, Gaglio, & Rabin, 2011). Community mobilization
empowers community members and the target audience
as invested stakeholders (i.e., any entity or party whose
outcomes are affected by the health risk or campaign)
and gaining their support for attainment of campaign
objectives (e.g., Bigdon & Sachitanandam, 2003).
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A few theories help explain how changes can be
achieved through community-level interventions. Under
the umbrella of community change theory, Thompson
and Kinne (1999) surveyed studies using change theories
across individual, organizational, societal, and environ-
mental levels. Under this framework, the use of individual
behavioral change theory to explain population-level phe-
nomena is based on a systems perspective of a community
(Rice & Foote, 2013). This perspective considers commu-
nity to be part of a larger dynamic system that is connected
to other sectors and organizations. Within such a system, a
change in one sector signifies a change in others. Theories
explaining human behavior and social advocacy strategies
offer another set of models for promoting change within
a community. Often, these models work best when used
in tandem to promote behavior change in a community.
Health campaigns targeting individual-level outcomes,
such as lower smoking initiation rates among minors
combined with efforts involving greater enforcement of
laws penalizing tobacco sales to youth under the age of
18 (Dorfman & Wallack, 2012), can increase likelihood
of attaining public health objectives compared to using
one approach alone.
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Another strategy for developing of community health
campaigns is social marketing. Social marketing applies
marketing techniques developed in the commercial sector
to develop campaigns that are prosocial in nature and can
promote social good (Lee & Kotler, 2011). These techniques
rely on ideas of exchange between the target population
and health communication campaign sponsors, ongo-
ing research for understanding the needs of the target
population, and marketing mix (Lee & Kotler, 2011). The
marketing mix refers to the combination of the four Ps
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Chapter 19: Health Communication
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of marketing. The first of the four Ps is the product, or
the new behavior or idea being "sold," and what benefits
it offers the target audience when adopted. The second
is price, or any barriers to adopting the new behavior or
idea. The third is promotion, which includes the com-
munication strategy used to convey and publicize the
message content. The fourth is the place where the target
audience can gain access to the product. Positioning, or
the strategy used to position the product in the context of
competitors, although technically not part of the four Ps,
is often used in conjunction with them. Community-based
prevention programming (CBPM) projects combine social
marketing and community-based approaches to achieve
desired results. Some recent examples of CBPM cam-
paigns have addressed issues such as alcohol and tobacco
use prevention (Bryant et al., 2007) and physical activity
promotion among youth (Bryant et al., 2010).
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In order to correctly execute the process of launch-
ing community-level interventions, a number of steps
are required. These steps represent a five-stage process
outlined by Bracht, Kingsbury, and Rissel (1999). The
first step is to conduct a thorough community analy-
sis to provide a profile of important qualities, such as
resources, norms, beliefs, and values, that characterize
the community. The second step calls for the design and
initiation of campaign activities that include organiz-
ing partnerships with community members, increasing
community participation, and laying the framework to
launch the campaign to the wider community. The third
step involves implementation of the campaign, which
includes monitoring and refinement of the campaign
strategy and coordination with community partners.
During the fourth step, the community foundation for
maintaining and consolidating campaign efforts is
established, and campaign elements are incorporated
into the community for the long term. Determin-
ing effectiveness of campaign activities in achieving
objectives, identifying lessons learned for improving
campaign activities, and revising the community analy-
sis for future campaigns represent the types of activities
typically performed at the fifth step. This step also assists
with future campaign development.
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274 | Part III: Knowing Where We Are and What Our Communication Is Doing
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Box 19.1 Ethical Issues
It should be clear from this chapter that health communication is multifaceted and pervasive. Two broad ethical
issues discussed here elaborate on principles presented in this chapter.
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Paternalism and Therapeutic Privilege
All new physicians pledge the Hippocratic Oath, originally written about 2,500 years ago. It includes a promise
for physicians to use their best ability and judgment on behalf of their patients. For centuries, this was practiced
by physicians making treatment decisions "for" patients rather than "with" patients. Many patient advocates
and health ethicists now argue that such a paternalistic approach to practicing medicine disrespects patients
and their families (du Pré, 2014). The paternalistic model of provider-patient communication privileges the
physician's priorities and biomedical knowledge over the patient's priorities and experiential knowledge. Support
is increasing for replacing such paternalism with a partnership model that includes multiple perspectives when
making health and treatment decisions.
Communicating Public Health Campaigns
In the study of health communication, health campaigns
research is at the intersection of public health and health
communication research. The use of the term communica-
tion in a public health communication campaign indicates
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The concept of therapeutic privilege is related to paternalism in that it refers to physicians withholding infor-
mation from patients if they think disclosing the formation would do more harm than good (du Pré, 2014).
Therapeutic privilege is more complex than patient-provider communication, however. Family relationships,
family communication rules, as well as cultural norms involving health, illness, and death also come into play
in how individuals view therapeutic privilege. Sometimes patients' families request that physicians withhold
information from patients for the sake of emotional well-being. As an advanced student of communication, it
would be an interesting exercise for you to discuss therapeutic privilege with your family members.
Health Literacy
According to the CDC (2019), health literacy is "the degree to which individuals have the capacity to obtain,
process, and understand basic health information and services needed to make appropriate health decisions"
(p. 3). Health literacy affects how patients and their families understand causes, treatments, and outcomes of
health conditions and how they use that understanding to guide their behavior and decisions. Lower health
literacy may lead patients to allow others to make their healthcare decisions for them rather than being active
participants in their healthcare decisions. The American Medical Association (AMA) encourages patients to
ask their healthcare providers three questions:
What is my main problem?
What do I need to do?
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• Why is it important for me to do this?
You can see the physician privilege in this attempt to address the health literacy gap between patients and provid-
ers. How might these questions be revised to account for a partnership model of patient-provider communication?
Some public health and communication researchers encourage the use of "plain language" in written materials
about health to account for different levels of health literacy. This includes carefully evaluating the grade level
of written materials and how numbers, graphs, and pictures can be used to improve understanding for a wide
range of patients and their families.
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that a campaign message is doing more than hoping to
improve health. According to Atkin and Rice (2013),
public health communication campaigns are a "purposive
attempt to inform or influence behaviors in large audi-
ences within a specified time period using an organized
set of communication activities and featuring an array of
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mediated messages in multiple channels generally to pro-
duce noncommercial benefits to individuals and society"
(p. 3). In other words, health communication campaigns
have important characteristics of being strategic- (i.e., not
accidental), theory- and research-driven efforts that use
mediated communication channels to improve health.
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Communication campaigns can be an effective strategy
for reaching mass audiences. Meta-analytic studies have
consistently found support for carefully designed cam-
paigns to improve health behavior (e.g., Derzon & Lipsey,
2002; Snyder & LaCroix, 2013). Campaigns are developed
and tested via three stages of campaign evaluation: for-
mative evaluation, process evaluation, and summative
evaluation (Atkin & Freimuth, 2013).
The formative evaluation stage is the design stage in
which campaign planners make critical decisions regard-
ing the theoretical framework, goals, audience, channel(s),
and materials (Atkin & Freimuth, 2013). The most
common theoretical frameworks used in campaigns are
discussed at the end of this section. Successful campaigns
are focused on very specific goals. Campaign planners
are responsible for understanding the research landscape
related to the primary campaign goals, including relevant
trends and previous research on the (a) behavior (e.g.,
stop smoking, eat more vegetables), (b) type of change
(e.g., awareness, attitudinal, behavioral), and (c) level of
change (e.g., individual, organizational, societal) being
sought. When determining a segmented audience to
target, a clear group of similar individuals (e.g., adults,
youth, ethnic groups, teachers, community members) and
the mediated communication channel most likely to reach
those individuals should be identified (Atkin & Freimuth,
2013). Few modern campaigns adhere to only one channel;
most campaigns use multiple channels, one of which is
typically Internet based (Helme, Savage, & Record, 2015).
Finally, the campaign materials must be designed. Cam-
paign materials are most often adapted from previous
campaigns that were successful. With careful testing and
retesting, new materials can also be designed. Regard-
less of whether materials are adapted or designed from
scratch, messages should be tested with focus groups of
the target population before implementation (Atkin &
Freimuth, 2013). Research has found that thorough for-
mative evaluation processes contribute most significantly
to the success of a campaign (Noar, 2006), and that a lack
of thorough formative evaluation is a primary reason for
an unsuccessful campaign (Smith, 2002).
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Chapter 19: Health Communication
The process evaluation stage occurs when campaign
materials are implemented. This stage consists of activ-
ities that can confirm that the implementation plan is
going forward (Valente & Kwan, 2013). Decisions made
during the formative evaluation stage that are relevant
here include the channels the message will appear on (e.g.,
specific stations, papers, websites), the frequency with
which the messages will be distributed (e.g., air once an
hour, run constantly on a website, placed in 100 locations),
and how long the messages will be viewable to audiences
(i.e., the amount of time the campaign will run). Activities
for confirming that the campaign implementation plan
is on track include checking that messages are airing on
the chosen channels at the desired time (e.g., on the radio
and TV) and periodically visiting locations where mes-
sages were placed to confirm that they are still present and
undamaged; this includes confirming that Internet-based
channels are still operating correctly. The process evalua-
tion stage is critical because if the implementation plan is
not being implemented as planned, then campaign effec-
tiveness can be significantly compromised.
The final stage is the summative evaluation stage, in
which campaign effectiveness is assessed. During this stage,
researchers determine whether they have achieved their
campaign goals of improving health among their target
population (Valente & Kwan, 2013). Effectiveness is primar-
ily determined using quantitative data collected through
large-scale quasi-experiments to compare behavioral dif-
ferences in the target population before, during, and after
campaign implementation. Importantly, campaigns do not
seek to cause massive amounts of change; a small amount
of change can be statistically supported as a significant
change in behavior, and thus an effective campaign (Helme
et al., 2015). The most important step in this stage is the
sharing of results for future campaign planners to learn
from. In short, public health communication campaigns
are an effective way to change and improve health behavior
(Derzon & Lipsey, 2002; Snyder & LaCroix, 2013).
Conclusion
Illness is the night side of life, a more onerous citizenship.
Everyone who is born holds dual citizenship, in the king-
dom of the well and in the kingdom of the sick. Although
we all prefer to use only the good passport, sooner or
later each of us is obliged, at least for a spell, to identify
ourselves as citizens of that other place. (Sontag, 1977, p. 3)
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attitude and behavior change. This chapter presents theoret-
ical and practical understandings of argumentation and the
process of persuasion. In particular, three categorizations
of argument formation are reviewed (deductive, inductive,
abductive), as well as theoretical understandings of the
persuasive process as it appears generally, interpersonally,
and socially. Although mass mediated communication is
also essential to understanding persuasive processes, the
role of media for persuasive processes (referred to as media
effects) is examined in the media chapter.
Argumentation
Some days it can feel like the sole purpose of communi-
cation is to argue. Everyone wants something, and almost
everything seems to seek to influence. In the contemporary
media environment, people are inundated by text, smell,
sound, touch, image, and social forms of influence. This is
not surprising; control over one's environment is a funda-
mental survival advantage and reflects an intrinsic tendency.
One of the most elemental discursive approaches we use
to influence others is that of argument (see also: Chapters
3 and 4). Arguments are forms of convergence-seeking
discourse that refer to "communicative attempts to reach
accord with the minds or behavior of another person" or
persons (Canary & Seibold, 2010, p. 12). Thus, argument
is inherently an attempt to seek agreement-attempts that
often share similarities across contexts. There are at least
four primary forms in which arguments are structured:
deductive, inductive, abductive, and warrantable.
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Deduction
Ancient philosophers were greatly concerned with seek-
ing some form of argument that produced more reliable
claims to truth. In speculating on the need for an ethical
approach to influence, they formalized a way of thinking
that has come to be known as deduction. Deduction is a
form of reasoning from general to particulars. Its ideal-
ized structure is summarized by the syllogism (Hacking,
2013). Deduction is involved in the form of a highly flexible
structural template. For example, consider the following
deductive chain of hypotheses:
Major premise (MjP): Communication majors are more
rhetorically competent than other college majors.
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Chapter 14: Argument, Persuasion, and Influence
Minor premise (MnP): Rhetorical competence is pos-
itively related to career success.
Conclusion (Cncl): Therefore, communication majors
will have greater career success than other majors.
There are many derivations of such syllogisms that
represent causal schemata or informal ways of think-
ing (Khemlani, Barbey, & Johnson-Laird, 2014). See the
following example:
MjP: A causes B (e.g., recessions cause unemployment).
MnP: B prevents C (e.g., lowering taxes produces
economic recovery).
Cncl: Therefore, A prevents C. (e.g., we should lower
taxes to reduce unemployment).
Aristotle recognized the challenges of example and
syllogism as forms of persuasion and formulated an alter-
native form of persuasion he named enthymeme, which
is a syllogism with one or more suppressed propositions
that is filled in by the audience. Suppose a presidential
candidate says, "My opponent still has not released his
tax returns, so what is he hiding?" The implication of
this statement is for audience members to think, "Why
would anyone refuse to release his or her taxes? It must
be because that person is hiding something incriminat-
ing." At no point did the candidate's statement explicitly
say, "My opponent is a criminal." But, it is assumed that
the audience is likely to think this, and, consequently, it
does not need to be expressly stated. Many advertisements
operate using an enthymematic structure. An ad for men's
fragrance that shows beautiful women leaping to caress a
man after he sprays on the fragrance is essentially making
an enthymeme:
MjP: Absent this fragrance, the character in the com-
mercial was alone.
MnP: Having sprayed this fragrance, the character in
the commercial attracted women.
Cncl: If I buy and use this fragrance, I will attract
women.
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There are at least two attractive features to this form
of argument. First, by not making all the claims of the
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